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English to Korean: Inside the Dispute Derailing Nuclear Talks With North Korea General field: Other Detailed field: Government / Politics
Source text - English An adviser to South Korea’s president describes the plan to end the Korean War—and why the proposal has now become a sticking point in negotiations
First Donald Trump called off his secretary of state’s planned trip to North Korea this week. Then Defense Secretary James Mattis suggested on Tuesday that the U.S. might no longer suspend military exercises the North Koreans view as provocative. It’s starting to look like nuclear talks are grinding to a standstill, and a top adviser to South Korea’s president has provided the most detailed description yet of one of the key sticking points: a declaration to end the Korean War.
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This is not the same thing as peace. But it is a step in that direction. The Korean War never really ended; the fighting just stopped with a truce in the form of the 1953 Armistice Agreement, which has governed the Korean conflict ever since. What the South Korean government has been advocating for is a political statement that the war is over, which would serve as a kind of bridge between the chronic hostility of the past and a permanent peace in the future.
“The current stalemate comes from the difference between North Korea and the U.S. on which comes first”: the belligerents from the Korean War proclaiming the conflict over, or North Korea disclosing the components of its nuclear-weapons program and permitting international inspectors to access them, said Moon Chung In, a special adviser to President Moon Jae In for foreign affairs and national security. He spoke with The Atlantic after the abrupt cancellation of Mike Pompeo’s visit to Pyongyang.
Moon, who is also a prominent academic affiliated with Yonsei University in Seoul, characterized the cancellation as “a shock to the South Korean government,” which had been busy preparing for another summit between the leaders of North and South Korea in September. Press reports ahead of the trip suggested Pompeo was on the verge of a breakthrough, in the form of progress on both a declaration to end the war and a North Korean declaration regarding the details of its nuclear arsenal and activities. On Tuesday, CNN, building on reporting by The Washington Post, noted that the immediate cause of the cancellation may have been a letter in which the North Korean government warned the Trump administration that nuclear talks could “fall apart” because of American unwillingness to take “a step forward to sign a peace treaty.”
Now the world’s most ambitious diplomatic effort—in which nothing less than the spread of the most destructive weapons and the prospect of an elusive peace on the Korean peninsula and the future geopolitical order of Northeast Asia are at stake—seems more endangered than at any time since the brief cancellation of the June summit in Singapore between Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.
The crux of the standoff is this: The United States is insisting that North Korea prove its “sincerity” about denuclearizing by offering a full accounting of its nuclear and missile program, accepting international inspections, and perhaps giving up a certain portion of its nuclear warheads early in negotiations, Moon told me. But North Korea insists progress on peace should come first, as it does in the numbered joint statement Trump and Kim signed in Singapore. The “North Koreans are saying, ‘No, we agreed on a new relationship. And a declaration to end the war in Korea will be the most important token of [the] new relationship,’” said Moon.
South Korea’s president, who first proposed the end-of-war declaration, has so far not managed to persuade the United States and North Korea to pursue both steps simultaneously rather than getting stuck on the sequencing. The Trump administration is concerned about weakening its bargaining position by agreeing prematurely to what some officials consider an “irreversible” end-of-war declaration, while the North Korean government believes it is America’s “turn to reciprocate” after the North’s closure of a nuclear-test site and partial dismantlement of a missile-engine-test site, Moon told me. “If Kim Jong Un accepts those American terms then he would be losing his face to the North Korean military,” he said.
Donald Trump sorrowfully cancels another North Korea meeting
The South Korean government already has its own vision for an end-of-war declaration—one Moon Jae In has presented to both the North Koreans and the Americans. It has four components, according to Moon Chung In.
The first is political leaders taking the “symbolic” step of formally declaring the end of the Korean War, more than 60 years after the heads of U.S.-led United Nations forces and North Korean and Chinese forces signed the armistice (South Korea adhered to the truce but refused to sign it). There was a time when this declaration might have involved only the leaders of the United States and the two Koreas. “Our president was ready to pay a visit to Singapore during the U.S.–North Korea summit, but that didn’t work out,” Moon said. “Pyongyang and Washington were preoccupied with the success of [their] bilateral summit. They decided to hold the summit [for only] one day.” But Moon now also expected the leader of China, which in addition to being a party to the original armistice is also North Korea’s most powerful ally and has “the utmost leverage” with the North, to take part in the declaration.
With hopes dashed for an end-of-war declaration during the Trump-Kim summit and later in July during the 65th anniversary of the Armistice Agreement, the Moon Jae In administration is now setting its sights on the United Nations General Assembly in late September in New York. “Wouldn’t it be wonderful if President Trump, President Xi Jinping, President Moon Jae In, and Chairman Kim Jong Un meet together at the United Nations [and] adopt the declaration to end the Korean War?” Moon Chung In asked. “That would be a really epochal event for peace and denuclearization in Korea.”
The second dimension of an end-of-war declaration would be a pronouncement on the “elimination of hostile relations” between North and South Korea and between North Korea and the U.S., which could entail “anything short of diplomatic normalization,” according to Moon. This might encompass, for example, the continued suspension of U.S.–South Korean military exercises and training and a halt to America’s deployment of nuclear-capable military assets like bombers near the peninsula; the United States and North Korea exchanging liaison offices in Pyongyang and Washington (an inter-Korean liaison office is already in the works); and the U.S. government issuing statements about not posing a “conventional and nuclear threat to North Korea” and potentially easing sanctions if the North makes substantial progress on denuclearization.
The third aspect of the declaration would be stipulating that the Armistice Agreement and the arrangements that stem from it—such as the Military Demarcation Line that separates the Koreas and the United Nations Command that seeks to deter North Korea from the South Korean side of the border—would temporarily remain in place until the parties negotiate a more comprehensive, legally binding peace treaty to replace the Armistice. And the fourth component would be linking the completion of a peace treaty and normalization of diplomatic relations among the parties, along with a broader “peace regime on the Korean peninsula,” to the denuclearization of North Korea.
“Initially all the parties showed a positive response” to the South Korean government’s proposal for an end-of-war declaration, Moon said. Donald Trump enthusiastically endorsed the idea. At their first summit in Panmunjom in April, Moon Jae In and Kim Jong Un vowed to pursue the declaration within the year—an ambitious timeline the South Korean government deliberately sought not just “to make a transition from the Armistice Agreement to some form of peace treaty,” but also as a way to “expedite the process of North Korea’s denuclearization.”
As South Korea’s ambassador to the United States, Cho Yoon Je, told me earlier this summer, against the backdrop of reports that North Korea is largely continuing to develop its nuclear program even as it negotiates over the program’s future, an end-of-war declaration might afford North Korean leaders the interim security assurances he suspected they need to move toward full denuclearization and a final peace treaty.
But some in the United States and South Korea warn of the unintended consequences of an end-of-war declaration, no matter how logical and innocuous it might seem at first glance. Cheon Seong Whun, a national-security official in the conservative administration of former South Korean President Park Geun Hye, told me recently that such a declaration would increase pressure for a peace treaty even if North Korea hasn’t sufficiently rolled back its nuclear program. This, in turn, could dissolve the U.S.–South Korea military alliance and leave a jilted South Korea exposed to the aggression of a still-nuclear-armed North Korea, he cautioned. (Many South Korean conservatives are critical of the liberal Moon administration’s North Korea policies.)
The end-of-war declaration “is a perfect formula for North Korea to claim that our military exercises, our sanctions, our criticism of human rights are all breaking this opportunity for peace,” weakening all three forms of U.S. pressure on North Korea, said Michael Green, a former Asia adviser to President George W. Bush, during a panel last week at the Brookings Institution. Moon Jae In’s “idea was that you have these two wheels [of peace and denuclearization] connected by this axis and you’re just going to keep moving,” the North Korea expert Jung Pak observed at the same event. “There was always the fear that the peace wheel was going to move too fast and that denuclearization was not going to move … And I think that’s what’s happening.”
Such consequences help explain why, as The Washington Post reported this week, Pompeo is confronting resistance to the end-of-war declaration within the Trump administration. Moon acknowledged the risks but argued they’re manageable. “Yes, in the process of adopting a declaration to end the war North Korea could demand a withdrawal of American troops [from South Korea], but neither the United States nor South Korea would accept it,” he said. “Nothing”—not even declaring an end to the Korean War—“is irreversible other than the death of a human being.”
“I don’t know,” he admitted, when asked how to break the impasse, “but we will continue to tell Washington and Pyongyang ‘you gotta engage in talks.’” And what would the South Korean government do if North Korea refuses to denuclearize to the Trump administration’s satisfaction and the United States pulls out of those talks? “We’ll consult with the United States. We are allies. No doubt about it,” Moon told me. “But that is Plan B. We never talk about Plan B.”
Translation - Korean 문정인 대통령 외교안보특보가 내달 유엔총회에서 남북한과 미국, 중국이 참여하는 종전선언을 추진하고 있다고 밝혀 주목된다.
문정인 대통령 외교안보특보는 29일(현지시간) 애틀랜틱 인터뷰에서 “문재인 정부는 종전선언을 북미정상회담이나 지난 7월 정전 65주년 기념일을 계기로 이뤄지길 기대해 왔으나 이제는 내달 말 뉴욕에서 열리는 유엔총회를 계기로 보고 있다”며 “트럼프 대통령과 시진핑 주석, 문 대통령, 김정은 위원장이 유엔에서 만나 종전선언을 채택하면 대단하지 않겠느냐? 이는 한국에서 평화와 비핵화를 위한 획기적인 행사가 될 것”이라고 밝혔다.
문 특보는 “폼페이오 장관 방북 취소는 내달 남북정상회담을 준비하고 있는 한국 정부에는 충격”이라며 “현 상황은 전쟁 상태가 끝났다고 선언하면서 적대관계를 끝내느냐 북한이 핵무기 프로그램을 공개하고 국제 감찰단이 조사하도록 허용할 것이냐를 놓고 누가 먼저 하느냐에 북한과 미국이 차이가 있기 때문”이라고 했다.
그는 “미국은 북한이 핵무기와 미사일 프로그램 보유 내용을 제공하면서 국제 감찰을 받아들여 비핵화에 대한 진지함을 보여줄 것을 요구하고 협상 초기 일부 핵탄두를 폐기하는 것을 원하고 있으나 북한은 싱가포르 합의와 같이 평화 체제 구축을 위한 진전을 우선 보일 것을 요구하고 있다”며 “북한은 새 관계를 맺는 것에 합의했고 종전선언이 새 관계를 위한 가장 중요한 징표가 될 것이라고 말하고 있다”고 설명했다.
문 특보는 트럼프 정부가 우선 돌이킬 수 없는 종전선언에 합의할 경우 협상력이 약화될 것을 우려하고 있고 북한 정권은 종전선언이 핵실험장과 미사일 엔진시험장 폐기의 보답이 될 것으로 여겼다며 “김정은 북한 국무위원장이 미국 입장을 받아들이면 군부에 면이 서지 못할 것”이라고 하기도 했다.
그는 한국 정부가 이미 문 대통령이 북한과 미국에 제안한 종전선언의 비전을 갖고 있다며 4가지 요소로 구성돼 우선은 공식적으로 종전선언을 하는 것이라고 밝혔다. 문 특보는 “문 대통령이 북미정상회담 중 싱가포르에 갈 준비가 돼 있었지만 이뤄지지 않았다”며 “북한과 미국은 양국정상회담의 성공에만 매달려 회담을 하루만 하기로 했다”고 설명했다. 문 특보는 “이제는 정전선언의 당사자로 북한의 강력한 동맹국이고 북한에 압력을 행사할 수 있는 중국이 선언에 참여할 것으로 예상하고 있다”고 했다.
문 특보에 따르면 둘째는 외교관계 정상화를 수반하는 남북간, 북미간 적대관계 해소를 선언하는 의미가 있다고 설명했다. 이는 한미훈련을 지속적으로 중단하고 한반도 인근에 핵 공격이 가능한 전력자산 배치를 중단하는 것과 미국과 북한이 평양과 워싱턴에 연락사무소를 개설하는 방안을 포함한다. 북한이 비핵화에 진전을 보일 경우 미 정부는 북한을 위협 국가에서 해제하고 제재를 완화하게 된다. 셋째로는 보다 구체적이고 합법적인 평화협정이 대체하기 전까지 군사분계선 등에 대한 정전협정을 유지하는 것이다. 넷째는 평화협정 완결과 연계와 북한 비핵화까지 한반도 평화 체제 구축 등 외교관계 정상화를 꾀하는 방안이다.
문 특보는 “모든 당사자들이 한국 정부의 제안에 긍정적인 반응을 보였다”며 트럼프 대통령이 특히 좋아했다고 밝혔다. 조윤재 주미대사는 종전선언이 북한 지도자에게 완전한 비핵화와 평화협정을 추진할 수 있는 임시 안전 보장 방안이 될 수 있다고 말했었다고 애틀란틱은 전했다.
문 특보는 “종전선언을 채택하는데 북한이 미군 철수를 제기할 수 있겠지만 미국이나 한국이 받아들이지 않을 것”이라며 “사람이 죽는 것 말고 되돌릴 수 없는 것은 없다”고 말하기도 했다. 돌이킬 수 없어 종전선언을 하면 안된다는 우려를 할 필요가 없다는 것이다. 그는 “미국과 북한에 대화를 해야 한다고 지속적으로 요구할 것”이라고 강조하기도 했다.
애틀랜틱은 일부에서는 종전선언이 의도하지 않은 결과를 가져올 수 있다고 우려한다며 마이클 그린 전 아시아담당보좌관의 경우 “종전선언이 북한에 군사훈련, 제재, 인권문제 비판이 평화 기회를 깨뜨린다는 주장을 하도록 하는 완벽한 형식이 될 것”이라며 “미국의 대북 압력을 약화시킬 것”이라고 밝혔다고 전했다.
English to Korean: Donald Trump says North Korea still poses 'extraordinary threat' as he extends sanctions for a year General field: Other Detailed field: Government / Politics
Source text - English President Donald Trump on Friday cited "an unusual and extraordinary threat" from North Korea's nuclear arsenal to extend sanctions on Kim Jong-un's regime, despite touting the success of a historic summit earlier this month.
After flying back to Washington last week, boasting of success, the US leader tweeted: "There is no longer a Nuclear Threat from North Korea."
"Sleep well tonight!" he added on June 13, a day after the Singapore meeting.
But a presidential declaration sent to Congress on Friday struck a different note as it explained why the administration would keep in place tough economic restrictions first imposed by former president George W Bush.
"The existence and risk of proliferation of weapons-usable fissile material on the Korean Peninsula and the actions and policies of the Government of North Korea continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States," it said.
"I am continuing for one year the national emergency with respect to North Korea," added the statement.
Though the notice is considered pro forma, the disparity in tone reflects the work that US officials concede remains to be done as negotiators thrash out the details of Pyongyang's disarmament.
At their summit, Kim and Mr Trump signed a pledge "to work towards complete denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula," a stock phrase favoured by Pyongyang that stopped short of longstanding American demands for North Korea to give up its atomic arsenal in a "verifiable" and "irreversible" way.
Critics have pointed to the vague wording of the non-binding summit document and raised fears that the summit could weaken the international coalition against the North's nuclear program.
Also on Friday, the US and South Korea agreed to indefinitely suspend two exchange programme training exercises, to support diplomatic negotiations with North Korea, the Pentagon said.
The move came after the two countries had previously announced the shelving of the large-scale Ulchi Freedom Guardian exercises slated for August, making good on a pledge by Trump during his summit.
Translation - Korean 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 대북 경제 제재를 1년 더 연장했다.
AP 등 외신은 트럼프 대통령이 22일(현지시간) 북한에 대한 경제 제재를 1년 더 연장하는 조치를 했다고 보도했다.
트럼프 대통령은 이날 의회 통지문에서 조지 W. 부시 행정부에사 발동한 행정명령 13466호 등 6건의 대북 제재 행정명령의 효력을 연장한다고 발표했다.
이외 버락 오바마 대통령 정부의 대북제재 관련 행정명령 13551호, 13570호, 13687호, 13722호와 트럼프 정부의 13810호 등이 연장됐다.
이들 행정명령은 북한 정부와 노동당, 주요 인사 자산을 동결하고, 국외 노동자 송출 금지, 광물 거래 등의 내용을 담고 있다.
행정명령 13810호는 특정 북한 기업이나 은행과 거래하는 개인·기업 재산을 동결해, 외국 기업이 북한과 미국 중 하나를 강제로 선택하도록 하는 2차 제재를 취하도록 했다.
트럼프 대통령은 북한의 핵 물질 보유와 확산 위협, 핵·미사일 프로그램 추구 등을 제재 연장 이유로 들었다.
대북 행정명령은 미 국가비상조치법(NEA)에 효력을 연장하려면 1년 마다 의회 통지와 관보 게재를 해야 한다.
이번 연장 조치는 트럼프 대통령이 북미정상회담 후 비핵화 없이는 제재를 해제하지 않겠다는 의지를 구체화한 것이어서 주목된다.
English to Korean: White House investigating Google after Donald Trump accuses it of bias General field: Other Detailed field: Government / Politics
Source text - English US President Donald Trump on Tuesday (Aug 28) accused Google's search engine of promoting negative news articles and hiding "fair media" coverage of him, and vowed to address the situation. He did not provide evidence or give details of action he might take.
Mr Trump's attack against the Alphabet unit follows a string of grievances against technology companies, including social media Twitter and Facebook, which he has accused of silencing conservative voices; and Amazon.com, which he has said is hurting small businesses and benefiting from a favourable deal with the US Postal Services.
He frequently berates news outlets for what he perceives as unfair coverage.
Google denied any political bias, saying in a statement that its search engine is "not used to set a political agenda and we don't bias our results toward any political ideology".
Mr Trump said in several tweets on Tuesday that Google search results for "Trump News" were "rigged" against him because they showed only coverage from outlets like CNN and not conservative publications, suggesting the practice was illegal.
"I think Google is really taking advantage of our people," Mr Trump said on Tuesday in the Oval Office.
"Google, and Twitter and Facebook, they are really treading on very, very troubled territory, and they have to be careful. It's not fair to large portions of the population."
Facebook declined to comment. Twitter did not comment when asked for a response. In congressional testimony, both companies have denied engaging in partisan censorship.
Neither Mr Trump nor the White House detailed how or under what legal justification they would use to probe Google.
Mr Trump's economic adviser, Mr Larry Kudlow, later told reporters that the White House was "taking a look" at Google, saying the administration would do "some investigation and some analysis", without providing further details.
Earlier this summer, the new Republican chair of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), Mr Joseph Simons, said the agency would keep a close eye on big tech companies that dominate the Internet. In a previous investigation, the FTC decided that Google was likely justified in developing a search function that harmed other companies.
Congressional sources cautioned that it may be difficult for Mr Trump to find a way to probe Google about news search results, and that Congress is unlikely to pass any applicable laws. The Federal Communications Commission ceded jurisdiction over regulating online communications when it repealed its Net neutrality rules.
US member of Congress Ted Lieu, a Democrat, said in a tweet directed at Mr Trump that such restrictions on Google would violate the US Constitution: "If government tried to dictate the free speech algorithms of private companies, courts would strike it down in a nanosecond."
While the exact science behind Google searches on the Internet is kept secret, its basic principles are widely known to be generated with a variety of factors measured by the company's algorithms.
The factors Google uses to determine which websites appear first in search results include how often that page is linked to on other sites, the use of keywords, the popularity and respectability of the news site, and personal browsing history of the person conducting the search.
US President Donald Trump said on Twitter that the Google search results for "Trump News" included only "the viewing/reporting of Fake New Media".
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Trump wakes up complaining about 'rigged' Google 'search results'
Highly trafficked and cited websites like CNN.com and NYTimes.com, two of Mr Trump's most frequent targets, often appear first in search results.
Mr Trump's accusation of bias on the part of Google comes as social media companies suspended accounts, banned certain users and removed content as they face pressure from the US Congress to police foreign propaganda and fake accounts aimed at disrupting American politics, including operations tied to Iran and Russia.
Companies such as Facebook and Twitter have also been pressed to remove conspiracy driven content and hate speech.
Tech companies have said they do not remove content for political reasons.
Some Republican US lawmakers have also raised concerns about social media companies removing content from some conservatives, and have called Twitter's chief executive to testify before a House of Representatives panel on Sept 5.
Earlier this month, Alphabet's YouTube joined Apple and Facebook in removing some content from Infowars, a website run by conspiracy theorist Alex Jones. Mr Jones was also temporarily suspended on Twitter.
Translation - Korean 도널드 트럼프 대통령이 구글 등의 매체에 대한 편향성을 비판한 이후 백악관이 이들 기업을 조사할 계획임을 밝혔다.
로이터는 28일(현지시간) 래리 커들로 대통령 경제 보좌관이 기자들에게 백악관이 구글을 살펴보고 있다며 구체적인 내용은 없이 정부가 일부 조사와 분석에 나설 예정이라고 밝혔다고 보도했다. 트럼프 대통령이나 백악관은 어떤 법적인 이유로 구글에 대한 조사가 이뤄지는 것인지에 대해서는 밝히지 않았다.
트럼프 대통령은 이날 구체적인 증거나 앞으로 어떻게 하겠다는 것인지에 대한 설명은 하지 않고 구글 검색엔진이 부정적인 기사만 보이게 하고 그를 공정하게 다루는 기사는 기사들은 숨기고 있다고 했다. 알파벳사에 대한 공격 이후 트럼프 대통령은 트위터나 페이스북이 보수파의 목소리가 작게 하고 있고 아마존이 소기업에 타격을 주고 있으며 미 우정 서비스와 특혜 조건으로 이익을 보고 있다고 지적했다. 그는 자주 불공정하다고 보는 기사들을 자주 비난해왔다.
구글은 성명을 내고 검색엔진이 정치적인 주제를 설정하지 않고 어떠한 정치적인 이념에 결과가 치우치도록 하지 않도록 하고 있다며 어떠한 정치적인 편향성에 대해서도 부정했다. 트럼프 대통령은 구글 검색 결과 트럼프 관련 기사가 CNN과 같은 매체만 보이고 보수적인 결과는 보이지 않도록 조작돼 불법적이라고 시사했다. 페이스북과 트위터는 답변을 거부했다. 두 회사는 의회 증언에서 당파적인 검열에 관련돼 있다는 것을 부인했었다.
올해 여름 연방무역위원회 조셉 시몬스 의장은 기관이 인터넷을 주도하는 거대 기술 기을 주시하고 있다고 밝혔었다. 기존 조사에서 연방통신위원회는 구글이 다른 회사를 헤치는 검색 방법을 개발하는 것을 정당화했다고 했었다. 지난 6월 케이트 엘리슨 민주당 대표는 연방무역위원회에 구글의 온라인 검색 광고시장에서의 불공정 행위에 대한 조사를 요구하기도 했었다.
의회 관계자는 트럼프 대통령이 뉴스검색 결과와 관련해 구글을 조사할 근거를 찾기 어렵고 의회가 관련 법을 통과시키기 어려울 것이라고 경고하기도 했다고 로이터는 전했다. 테드 류 민주당 의원은 트윗에서 트럼프 대통령을 지적하면서 구글에 대한 규제가 미 헌법을 위한할 수 있다고 했다. 그는 “정부가 사기업의 표현의 자유를 지배하려 할 경우 법원이 즉각 막을 것”이라고 밝혔다.
인터넷 구글 검색의 방식이 비밀인 가운데 근본 원칙은 회사의 알고리즘에서 도출된 다양한 요소로부터 나오는 것으로 알려졌다. 어떤 웹사이트가 검색결과로 먼저 나올지는 얼마나 웹페이지가 자주 다른 사이트에 연결돼 있는지와 키워드 사용, 인기도와 뉴스 사이트의 존중도, 검색을 하는 개인의 브라우징 히스토리와 연관돼 있는 것으로 전해졌다. 사용자가 많이 몰리고 트럼프 대통령의 최고 타격 대상인 CNN이나 뉴욕타임스는 검색 결과 자주 상위에 올라 있다.
SNS 기업들은 의회가 이란과 러시아를 포함한 해외의 선동과 허위 계정을 통한 미국 정치 개입을 감독하라는 압력에 따라 최근 특정 이용자를 차단하고 계정을 중단시키는 한편 컨텐츠를 삭제했다. 페이스북과 트위터는 의혹과 편파적 발언을 일으키는 컨텐츠를 삭제해야 한다는 압력을 받고 있는 상황이다. 기술 기업들은 정치적인 이유로 컨텐츠를 삭제하지 않는다고 밝혔었다.
일부 공화당 의원들은 SNS 기업들이 보수적인 컨텐츠를 삭제하고 있다는 우려를 제기하면서 트위터 대표에게 내달 5일 하원 위원회에서 증언하도록 요구했다. 이달 초 알파벳의 유투브도 애플과 페이스북과 함께 음모론자인 알렉스 존스가 운영하는 인포워 사이트의 컨텐츠를 제거하는 데 참여했다. 존스는 트위터에서 한동안 계정이 정지되기도 했다.
English to Korean: Tesla CEO Musk drops pursuit of $72 billion take-private deal General field: Bus/Financial Detailed field: Business/Commerce (general)
Source text - English Tesla Inc Chief Executive Elon Musk said late on Friday he would heed shareholder concerns and no longer pursue a $72 billion deal to take the luxury electric car maker private, abandoning an idea that stunned investors and drew regulatory scrutiny.
The decision to leave Tesla as a publicly listed company raises new questions about its future. Tesla shares have been trading well below their Aug. 7 levels, when Musk announced on Twitter that he was considering taking Tesla private for $420 per share, as investors wondered what this meant for Musk’s ability to steer the company to profitability.
Musk and Tesla also face a series of investor lawsuits and a U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission investigation into the factual accuracy of Musk’s tweet that funding for the deal was “secured.”
Musk said on Friday that his belief that there is more than enough funding to take the company private was reinforced during the process, but said he abandoned the bid based on feedback from shareholders and because the effort was proving to be more time-consuming and distracting than anticipated.
“Although the majority of shareholders I spoke to said they would remain with Tesla if we went private, the sentiment, in a nutshell, was ‘please don’t do this,’” Musk wrote in a blog post.
Musk, who owns about a fifth of Tesla, said previously that he envisioned taking the company private without the standard method of a leveraged buyout, in which all the other shareholders would cash out and the deal would be funded primarily with new debt.
Musk estimated that two-thirds of Tesla shareholders would have chosen an option of “rolling” their stakes into a private company. That would significantly reduce the amount of money needed for the deal and avoid further burdening Tesla, which has a debt pile of $11 billion and negative cash flow.
However, Musk said on Friday that a number of institutional shareholders explained that they have internal compliance issues that limit how much they can invest in a private company. He also said there was no proven path for most retail investors to own shares were Tesla to go private.
That contrasts sharply with an Aug. 7 tweet, when Musk said: “investor support is confirmed.”
T. Rowe Price Group, Fidelity Investments and Scotland’s Baillie Gifford, which are top Tesla shareholders, declined to comment.
Musk also said previously that Saudi Arabia’s PIF, which bought a stake in Tesla earlier this year of just under 5 percent, could help fund the cash portion of the deal, though sources close to the sovereign wealth fund had played down that prospect. PIF is in talks to invest in aspiring Tesla rival Lucid Motors Inc, Reuters reported last Sunday.
Six members of Tesla’s board of directors said in a separate statement that they were informed on Thursday by Musk that he was abandoning his take-private bid. The board then disbanded a special committee of three directors it had set up to evaluate any offer that Musk submitted.
“We fully support Elon as he continues to lead the company moving forward,” the board said.
However, some corporate governance experts said Musk’s handling of the take-private bid could pressure the board to assert its independence and consider ways to rein him in by, for example, bringing in a chief operating officer.
“They have someone in charge who has raised serious doubts in the financial and public community about his ability to take the company forward. This will make it harder to invest” in Tesla, said Charles Elson, director of the corporate governance center at the University of Delaware.
In explaining his reasons to take Tesla private earlier this month, Musk cited pressure from short sellers - investors who look to profit on bets that a company’s stock will decline.
Some short sellers were emboldened by his U-turn. Christopher Irons, founder of investigative research website quoththeravenresearch.com, said it showed Musk was nowhere near as close to taking the company private as he had claimed.
Translation - Korean 엘런 머스크 테슬라 CEO가 회사를 개인 기업으로 만들지 않겠다고 밝혔다.
머스크 CEO는 24일(현지시간) 테슬라를 통한 성명에서 “공개회사로 남을 것”이라고 발표했다.
머스크 CEO는 “이달 초 테슬라를 개인 기업으로 만드는 방안을 고려하고 있다고 발표했었다”며 “현 투자자가 이것이 좋은 전략이고 개입 기업에도 참여를 할 것인지를 이해하는 것이 중요했다”고 밝혔다.
머스크 CEO는 “투자자들은 중요하다. 생산차가 없었고 되고자 했던 전망만 있었던 해로 기업 공개에 나섰던 2010년부터 우리와 함께 했었다”며 “지속가능한 에너지를 발전시킨다는 우리 목표를 믿고 우리의 성공을 기원해줬던 분들이다”라고 덧붙였다.
그는 “실버 레이크, 골드만 삭스, 모건 스탠리 등 세계 최고 전문가들을 보유한 회사들과 이 문제를 검토했다”며 “테슬라의 장기적인 이익에 가장 좋은 방안이 무엇인지 주주들의 의견을 듣는 시간도 가졌다”고 했다.
머스크 CEO는 “대부분의 주주들은 공개기업으로 있는 것이 낫다고 했다”며 “개인 기업으로 전환했을 때 투자자들에게 주식을 보유할 수 있는 검증된 경로가 따로 없는 것도 사실”이라고 했다.
그는 “다수의 주주들이 개입 기업으로 전환했을 때도 투자하겠다고 했지만 속으로는 ‘하지 말라’는 식이었다”고 덧붙였다.
머스크는 “개인 기업으로 전환하는 것이 도전적인 과정이라는 것을 알지만 예상보다 시간이 더 걸리고 산만할 것”이라며 “모델3 생산을 늘리고 이익을 내는데 집중해야 하는데 이는 문제가 된다. 경영상 지속 가능하지 못하면 지속 가능한 에너지를 발전시킨다는 우리의 목표도 이루기 어렵다”고 했다.
머스크는 지난 7일 720억 달러를 투입해 주당 420달러에 개인 기업으로 전환하는 방안을 발표해 파장을 일으켰다. 당시 테슬라 주식은 420달러 이하로 거래되고 있어 주가 조작 여부를 놓고 증권거래위원회(SEC) 조사를 받기도 했다.
로이터는 머스크의 결정이 앞으로의 전망에 대한 의문을 제기하고 있다고 지적했다.
테슬라는 모델3의 주간 생산량이 지난 6월의 한 주간 목표인 5000대를 넘었다고 발표했으나 시장에서는 지속가능성과 경영상황에 의문을 표하고 있는 가운데 적자상태를 타개하기 위한 자본금 확보가 필요하다는 관측이 나오고 있다.
English to Korean: U.S. spy agencies: North Korea is working on new missiles General field: Other Detailed field: Government / Politics
Source text - English U.S. spy agencies are seeing signs that North Korea is constructing new missiles at a factory that produced the country’s first intercontinental ballistic missiles capable of reaching the United States, according to officials familiar with the intelligence.
Newly obtained evidence, including satellite photos taken in recent weeks, indicates that work is underway on at least one and possibly two liquid-fueled ICBMs at a large research facility in Sanumdong, on the outskirts of Pyongyang, according to the officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe classified intelligence.
The findings are the latest to show ongoing activity inside North Korea’s nuclear and missile facilities at a time when the country’s leaders are engaged in arms talks with the United States. The new intelligence does not suggest an expansion of North Korea’s capabilities but shows that work on advanced weapons is continuing weeks after President Trump declared in a Twitter posting that Pyongyang was “no longer a Nuclear Threat.”
The reports about new missile construction come after recent revelations about a suspected uranium-enrichment facility, called Kangson, that North Korea is operating in secret. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo acknowledged during Senate testimony last week that North Korean factories “continue to produce fissile material” used in making nuclear weapons. He declined to say whether Pyongyang is building new missiles.
During a summit with Trump in June, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un agreed to a vaguely worded pledge to “work toward” the “denuclearization” of the Korean Peninsula. But since then, North Korea has made few tangible moves signaling an intention to disarm.
Instead, senior North Korean officials have discussed their intention to deceive Washington about the number of nuclear warheads and missiles they have, as well as the types and numbers of facilities, and to rebuff international inspectors, according to intelligence gathered by U.S. agencies. Their strategy includes potentially asserting that they have fully denuclearized by declaring and disposing of 20 warheads while retaining dozens more.
The Sanumdong factory has produced two of North Korea’s ICBMs, including the powerful Hwasong-15, the first with a proven range that could allow it to strike the U.S. East Coast. The newly obtained evidence points to ongoing work on at least one Hwasong-15 at the Sanumdong plant, according to imagery collected by the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency in recent weeks.
“We see them going to work, just as before,” said one U.S. official.
The exception, the officials said, is the Sohae Satellite Launching Station on North Korea’s west coast, where workers can be observed dismantling an engine test stand, honoring a promise made to Trump at the summit.
North Korea seeking to conceal parts of its weapons stockpile, officials say
Many analysts and independent experts, however, see that dismantling as largely symbolic, since North Korea has successfully launched ICBMs that use the kind of liquid-fueled engines tested at Sohae. Moreover, the test stand could easily be rebuilt within months.
Buttressing the intelligence findings, independent missile experts this week also reported observing activity consistent with missile construction at the Sanumdong plant. The daily movement of supply trucks and other vehicles, as captured by commercial satellite photos, shows that the missile facility “is not dead, by any stretch of the imagination,” said Jeffrey Lewis, director of the East Asia Nonproliferation Program at the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies. The Monterey, Calif., nonprofit group analyzed commercial photos obtained from the satellite imagery firm Planet Labs Inc.
“It’s active. We see shipping containers and vehicles coming and going,” Lewis said of the Sanumdong plant. “This is a facility where they build ICBMs and space-launch vehicles.”
Intriguingly, one image, taken July 7, shows a bright-red covered trailer in a loading area. The trailer appears identical to those used by North Korea in the past to transport ICBMs. How the trailer was being used at the time of the photograph is unclear.
Lewis’s group also published images of a large industrial facility that some U.S. intelligence analysts believe to be the Kangson uranium-enrichment plant. The images, first reported by the online publication the Diplomat, show a football-field-size building surrounded by a high wall, in North Korea’s Chollima-guyok district, southwest of the capital. The complex has a single, guarded entrance and features high-rise residential towers apparently used by workers.
Historical satellite photos show that the facility was externally complete by 2003. U.S. intelligence agencies believe that it has been operational for at least a decade. If so, North Korea’s stockpile of enriched uranium could be substantially larger than is commonly believed. U.S. intelligence agencies in recent months increased their estimates of the size of North Korea’s nuclear arsenal, taking into account enriched uranium from at least one secret enrichment site.
Secret facilities complicate task of dismantling North Korea’s weapons sites
The Kangson facility was first publicly identified in May in a Washington Post article that cited research by nuclear weapons expert David Albright. Some European intelligence officials are not convinced that the Kangson site is used for uranium enrichment. But there is a broad consensus among U.S. intelligence agencies that Kangson is one of at least two secret enrichment plants.
Several U.S. officials and private analysts said the continued activity inside North Korea’s weapons complex is not surprising, given that Kim made no public promise at the summit to halt work at the scores of nuclear and missile facilities scattered around the country.
The North Koreans “never agreed to give up their nuclear program,” said Ken Gause, a North Korea expert at the Center for Naval Analysis. And it is foolish to expect that they would do so at the outset of talks, he said.
“Regime survival and perpetuation of Kim family rule” are Kim’s guiding principles, he said. “The nuclear program provides them with a deterrent, in their mind, against regime change by the United States. Giving up the nuclear capability will violate the two fundamental centers of gravity in the North Korean regime.”
Pompeo, at the Senate hearing last week, sought to assure lawmakers that the disarmament talks with North Korea remained on track and that the effort to dismantle the country’s nuclear arsenal was just getting underway. He brushed aside suggestions that the administration had been deceived by Kim. “We have not been taken for a ride,” he said.
But some independent analysts think the Trump administration has misread Kim’s intentions, interpreting his commitment to eventual denuclearization as a promise to immediately surrender the country’s nuclear arsenal and dismantle its weapons factories.
“We have this backward. North Korea is not negotiating to give up their nuclear weapons,” Lewis said. “They are negotiating for recognition of their nuclear weapons. They’re willing to put up with certain limits, like no nuclear testing and no ICBM testing. What they’re offering is: They keep the bomb, but they stop talking about it.”
Translation - Korean 북한이 새로운 대륙간탄도미사일(ICBM)을 개발하고 있는 것으로 나타났다.
워싱턴포스트(WP)는 30일(현지시간) 미 정보기관 관계자를 인용해 위성사진 분석 결과 북한이 평양 인근의 산음동 연구시설에서 새로운 ICBM을 개발하고 있는 것으로 드러났다고 보도했다.
산음동 시설은 북한이 처음으로 미국 동부해안을 타격할 수 있는 사거리를 증명한 화성 15호를 포함한 ICBM 2기를 제작한 곳이다.
WP는 정보기관이 수 주내 촬영된 위성사진을 분석한 결과 북한이 이 시설에서 액체연료를 활용하는 ICBM을 한 기나 두 기 제작하고 있는 것으로 나타났다고 전했다.
미 국립 지리 정보국(NGA)에서 수집한 위성 사진에 따르면 현재 이 공장은 최소 화성 15호 한 기 이상을 제작하고 있는 것으로 나타났다.
WP는 이 같은 사실은 김정은 북한 국무위원장이 미국과 협상을 하고 있는 와중에도 여전히 핵과 미사일 관련 시설에서 개발을 진행중이라는 것을 나타내고 있다고 밝혔다.
WP는 이 같은 정보가 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 트위터에서 북한이 더 이상 핵 위협이 되고 있지 않다고 밝힌 지 수 주 뒤에도 무기 개발이 지속되고 있다는 것을 드러내고 있다고 지적했다.
최근 북한이 비밀리에 운영하는 강산 시설에서 우라늄 농축이 진행되고 있다는 의혹이 일기도 했다.
마이크 폼페이오 미 국무장관은 지난주 상원 청문에서 북한이 핵무기 제조에 쓰이는 핵분열 물질을 지속적으로 생산하고 있다고 밝혔지만 북한이 새 미사일 개발하고 있다는 사실은 부인했었다.
WP는 미 정보기관 수집 자료에 따르면 정상회담 이후 북한 고위관료들이 핵탄두와 미사일 보유량, 유형과 관련 설비 수를 미국에 속이고 국제 사찰을 거부하는 방안을 논의했다고 전했다.
북한의 전략에는 탄두 수십개는 보유하고 20개는 폐기하면서 완전한 비핵화를 주장하는 방안도 포함됐다.
미 당국자는 WP에 ”이전과 같이 작업이 진행되는 것을 볼 수 있었다”고 밝혔다.
이 당국자는 북한이 트럼프 대통령에 정상회담에서 약속한대로 서해위성발사장에서는 엔진실험 스텐드를 철거하는 것을 관찰할 수 있었다고 덧붙였다.
전문가들은 북한이 이미 서해실험장에서 액체연료를 사용하는 ICBM 시험발사에 성공해 발사시험장 폐기를 상징적인 조치로 해석하고 있다.
WP는 시험 스탠드의 경우 수 개월 만에 복구가 가능하다고 지적하기도 했다.
WP는 미사일 전문가들이 이번주 산음동 공장의 미사일 개발 정황이 있는 활동이 관찰되고 있다고 밝혔다고 전했다.
제프리 루이스 제임스 마틴 비확산센터 동아시아 담당 국장은 WP에 “상업위성 촬영 사진에서 자재를 공급하는 트럭 등 차량의 이동이 나타나 미사일 공장의 가동이 멈추지 않고 있다는 사실을 드러내고 있다”고 밝혔다.
플래닛 위성사진을 분석한 루이스 국장은 “산음동 시설은 가동중으로 컨테이너와 차량이 오가는 것을 볼 수 있다”며 “이 시설은 북한이 ICBM과 위성발사 차량을 제작한 곳”이라고 덧붙였다.
지난 7일 촬영된 사진에서는 이전에 북한이 ICBM을 옮기는데 사용되던 트레일러가 등장했다.
루이스 국장측은 미 정보기관이 강산 우라늄 농축 공장으로 추정하고 있는 대규모 시설의 사진을 공개하기도 했다.
이 시설은 북한의 평양 남서쪽 천리마 구역의 축구장 크기 건물로 높은 벽으로 둘러쌓여 있다.
복합시설에는 경비가 이뤄지는 입구 한 곳이 있고 직원들이 사용하는 고층 건물을 갖췄다.
위성사진 분석 결과 이 시설은 2003년 완공됐다.
미 정보당국은 수 십 년 동안 시설이 운영된 것으로 추정하고 있다.
때문에 북한의 우라늄 농축 보유량이 알려진 것보다 많을 수 있다는 추정이 나오고 있다.
미 정보당국은 최근 북한의 비밀 시설에서 생산한 우라늄 농축을 감안해 핵무기 보유량 추정치를 높였다고 WP는 밝혔다.
WP는 강산 시설에 대해 유럽 정보기관 일부가 우라늄 농축 시설이라고 확신하지 못하고 있으나 미 정보기관들은 이 시설이 최소 2개 이상의 농축 공장 중 하나인 것으로 보고 있다고 전하기도 했다.
미 당국자와 사설 분석가들 일부는 김 위원장이 정상회담에서 핵과 미사일 시설 가동 중단을 공개적으로 약속한 적이 없어 북한 무기 복합단지 내 활동 지속이 놀라운 것이 아니라고 밝혔다.
켄 가우스 해군연구소 북한 전문가는 WP에 “북한은 핵 프로그램을 포기하겠다고 합의하지 않았다”며 “북한이 핵을 포기할 것으로 기대하는 것은 어리석은 일”이라고 말했다.
그는 “정권의 생존과 김씨 가족 통치의 영구화가 김 위원장의 원칙”이라며 “그들의 생각에는 핵 프로그램이 미국의 정권교체에 대응하는 억지력을 제공한다고 보고 있다. 핵 포기는 북한 정권의 원칙 두 가지를 훼손하게 된다”고 덧붙였다.
일부 분석가들은 트럼프 정부가 영구 비핵화를 핵무기에 대한 즉각적인 항복과 무기 생산 공장에 대한 폐기라는 식으로 김 위원장의 의도를 잘못 읽고 있다고 지적한다.
루이스 국장은 WP에 “북한은 핵무기 포기를 위해 협상하는 것이 아니다”라며 “그들은 핵무기를 인식시키기 위해 협상하고 있는 것이다. 예를 들면 핵과 ICBM 실험이 없는 식으로 한계를 정해놓으려 한다. 그들이 제안하는 것은 폭탄은 가지고 있고 이에 대해 밝히지 않는 것”이라고 강조했다.
로이터 통신도 미 고위 당국자를 인용해 미국 첩보위성이 북한이 ICBM을 만들었던 산음동 공장에서 새로운 활동을 포착했다고 보도했다.
로이터는 위성과 적외선 사진을 통해 차량이 오가는 것을 확인할 수 있었지만 미사일 개발이 어느 정도 이뤄지고 있는지를 나타내고 있지는 않다고 전했다.
로이터도 이전에 ICBM을 이동하는데 쓰였던 트레일러가 사진에 나타났으나 덮여 있어 무엇을 싣고 있는지 확인되지는 않는다고 덧붙였다.
38노스 설립자인 조엘 위트는 로이터에 “북한이 합의문의 잉크도 마르기 전 프로그램을 중단하기를 바라는 것은 비현실적”이라며 “미국과 핵 능력을 억제하기 위한 협상을 하면서도 핵 물질 생산을 지속했던 냉전시대 미국과 협상하던 구 소련이나 최근에는 이란과 같은 경우”라고 밝혔다.
미 당국자는 로이터에 북한이 고속으로 지구궤도에 진입할 때 견디고 핵 탄두를 나르는 능력이 있는 재진입 미사일의 신뢰할 만한 실험이 이뤄지지 않았다며 새 미사일을 만든다면 이러한 진입 수단과 보다 신뢰성 있는 시스템을 실험하기 위한 것일 수 있다고 말했다.
이 당국자는 “액체연료 ICBM은 연료주입에 시간이 오래 걸려 고체연료만큼 위협이 되지 못하고 인근에 우리 무기가 있다면 시간 내에 발사를 저지할 수 있다”고 덧붙였다.
English to Korean: Sanctions on Iran having effect, but regime change is not U.S. policy: Bolton General field: Other Detailed field: Government / Politics
Source text - English U.S. sanctions are having a strong effect on Iran’s economy and popular opinion, though regime change there is not part of Washington’s policy, President Donald Trump’s national security adviser said on Wednesday.
The Trump administration re-imposed sanctions this month after withdrawing from the 2015 international nuclear deal with Iran, which Washington saw as inadequate for curbing Tehran’s activities in neighboring Middle East countries and denying it the means to make an atomic bomb.
The U.S. turnaround outraged Iran, which has taken a defiant stance, and has rattled other world powers where some businesses have been debating whether to divest from the Islamic Republic.
“Let me be clear, the reimposition of the sanctions, we think, is already having a significant effect on Iran’s economy and on, really, popular opinion inside Iran,” National Security Adviser John Bolton told Reuters on a visit to Israel.
At a news conference in Jerusalem on Wednesday, Bolton was asked whether the United States had discussed any plans with Israel on how to capitalize on economic protests in Iran and if the demonstrations posed any tangible threat to the Tehran government.
“Just to be clear, regime change in Iran is not American policy. But what we want is massive change in the regime’s behavior,” Bolton said.
The Iranian economy has been beset by high unemployment and inflation and a rial currency that has lost half its value since April. The reimposition of sanctions could make matters worse.
Thousands of Iranians have protested against sharp price rises of some food items, a lack of jobs and state corruption. The protests over the cost of living have often turned into anti-government rallies.
“I think the effects, the economic effects certainly, are even stronger than we anticipated,” Bolton said.
“But Iranian activity in the region has continued to be belligerent: what they are doing in Iraq, what they are doing in Syria, what they are doing with Hezbollah in Lebanon, what they are doing in Yemen, what they have threatened to do in the Strait of Hormuz.”
The Strait is a strategic waterway for oil shipments which Iran’s Revolutionary Guards have threatened to block in response to Trump administration calls to ban all Iranian oil exports.
Washington imposed new sanctions on Iran in August, targeting its trade in gold and other precious metals, purchases of U.S. dollars and its car industry. Trump has said the United States will issue another round of tougher sanctions in November that will target Iran’s oil sales and banking sector.
At the news conference, Bolton said: “We are going to do other things to put pressure on Iran as well, beyond economic sanctions.” He did not elaborate.
Germany called on Tuesday for Europe to set up payment systems independent of the United States if it wants to save the Iran nuclear agreement.
European powers have been scrambling to ensure Iran secures enough economic benefits to persuade it to stay in the deal. This had proven difficult, with many European firms wary of far-reaching financial penalties by the Trump administration. French oil group Total pulled out a major gas project in Iran.
“We expect that Europeans will see, as businesses all over Europe are seeing, that the choice between doing business with Iran or doing business with the United States is very clear to them,” Bolton said.
“So we will see what plays out in November. But the president (Trump) has made it very clear - his words - he wants maximum pressure on Iran, maximum pressure, and that is what is going on.”
He added: “There should not be any doubt that the United States wants this resolved peacefully, but we are fully prepared for any contingency that Iran creates.”
The pact between Iran and world powers lifted international sanctions that had been throttling the Iranian economy. In return, Iran accepted restrictions on its nuclear activities, increasing the time it would need to produce an atomic bomb if it chose to do so. It has long denied having any such intent.
Translation - Korean 존 볼턴 미국 국가안보보좌관이 이란에 대한 제재가 예상보다 효과적이라고 밝혔다.
로이터는 22일 볼턴 보좌관이 이스라엘 에서 이뤄진 인터뷰에서 “경제 제재 효과가 분명하고 예상보다 강력하다”며 “이라크, 시리아, 레바논 헤즈볼라와의 활동, 예맨, 호르무즈 해협에서의 위협 등 이란의 지역에서의 활동이 지속적으로 공격적”이라고 밝혔다고 보도했다. 호르무즈 해협은 원유 수송을 위한 전략적인 수로로 이란 혁명군이 미국의 석유 수출을 봉쇄할 경우 차단하겠다고 위협하고 있는 곳이다.
볼턴 보좌관은 “제재의 재부과는 이란 경제에 분명한 효과가 있고 내부의 여론에도 영향을 미치고 있다”고 덧붙였다. 이란 경제는 지난 4월 이후 높은 실업률과 인플레이션, 리알화 절하에 시달리고 있는 가운데 제재의 재부과가 문제를 더 악화시킬 것이라는 예상이 나오고 있다.
최근 수 천명의 시민들은 식료품 등 급격한 물가 상승과 일자리 부족, 정부 부패에 항의하며 시위를 벌이기도 했다. 생활비용에 대한 시위는 반정부 시위로 변하기도 했다. 미국은 이달 들어 금과 다른 귀금속과 달러 구매, 자동차 산업을 목표로 제재를 가했다. 트럼프 대통령은 11월에는 석유 판매와 은행 부문을 목표로 하는 강한 제재를 가하겠다고 밝히기도 했다.
독일은 21일 유럽 국가들에 이란 핵 협정을 지키려면 미국과는 별도의 독립적인 지불 시스템을 구축할 것을 제안했다. 유럽 주요국은 이란이 충분한 경제적인 이익을 보장하고 있어 협정을 유지하는 것을 추진해 왔지만 트럼프 정부의 금융 불이익을 경계하는 다수 유럽 기업들로 인해 어렵다는 것이 증명됐다고 로이터는 밝혔다. 프랑스 석유 기업인 토털사는 이란 거대 가스 프로젝트에서 발을 뺐다.
볼턴 보좌관은 “유럽과 기업들이 이란과 사업을 하거나 미국과 사업을 하는 것 중 어느 것을 선택할 지 볼 것”이라며 “11월 어떻게 될 지 볼 것이다. 트럼프 대통령은 이란에 대한 최대의 압박이 필요하다고 했고 진행되고 있다”고 밝혔다. 그는 “미국이 평화적으로 해결하기를 바라는 데 한 점의 의혹이 없지만 이란이 만드는 어떤 만일의 사태에도 준비가 돼 있다”고 덧붙였다.
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Master's degree - Yonsei Univ
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Years of experience: 24. Registered at ProZ.com: Mar 2020.
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